I will venture on the paths that many leaders of the official culture Italian (Kultura, in fact), they walk with ease: the classifications of intellectual and / or ethnic groups or highbrow intellectuals I'm passionate about and I do not seem sterile, dominated by various types of narcissism and not free. I will venture on those paths not because they do not love them and I never will I love them.
However, I think Piero Gobetti is "inintegrabile" and "scandal", exactly as he said, Pannella, Pasolini. Yet, too many have tried and are trying to recover utilitarian and instrumental their history and their tradition in the so-called Kultura what the left has been and is a teacher, but also the so-called Kultura is not right to watch. The operations of falsification and / or liquidation of which they are victims, just to name a few, Gobel, E. and Rosselli Rossi, are now complete and will be even more in the future to Marco Pannella and the radical political and cultural genocide is underway, will be improved and legitimized. Even before this, that of Kultura, should not be overlooked: it is dangerous and what more than others, in my opinion.
That said, urging those who imbattesse to read this blog to read or reread with me, in these hours, Piero Gobetti, within the merits.
The conception that the individual has Gobetti, freedom of the people, party, economy, political struggle, the ... Revolution is (even now, after eighty years), radical (!), Other than communist or post-communist.
Gobetti explains: "Our liberalism, which we called revolutionary in order to avoid any misunderstandings, is inspired by a relentless passion libertarian sees reality in a context of forces, capable of producing ever new aristocracy leaders as long as new classes revive the struggle with their desperate desire to elevation, mean the sort of political arrangements in the light of economic autonomy, accept the constitution only as a guarantee to recreate and renew. The state is the equilibrium in which every day you make up these free contrasts: the task of politicians is to translate the needs and instincts in harmony historical and legal. The State is not if you do not fight. "(P. Gobetti, Liberal Revolution, June 1923)
" Democracy is the starting point of which is its affirmation of the legitimacy of all forms of thought, and the denial of all the revelations of truth because the truth is concrete and the creation of each individual, and is both progress and universality that transcends the ability of the individual. "(P. Gobetti, Energie Nove, January 1919)
But you can go beyond Piero Gobetti, to underline the distance between the stellar line of thought liberal and liberal-socialist or communist world, can be traced even in the Rosselli brothers and movement of justice and freedom. In fact, this is what he thought of the revolution Nenni libertarian and anti-state GL: "This is entirely logical conclusion by a staccato movement of the proletariat and ideologically tied to the positions utopian anarchism and bourgeois individualism. We are convinced for some time that it is on this ground breaking and the fight will be inevitable, and decisive, among working-class anti-fascism and anti-fascism reactionary petty bourgeois loyal to the ideal of smaller competitors. Our flag, the flag of the proletariat, it will be that of the proletarian socialist revolution through the conquest of the state, the complete elimination of competition, the organization of collectivist economy, which is essential today, of social thought and human freedom. " (alias Pietro Nenni Pietro Emiliani, Next New, April 1936).
This then what he thought of Togliatti Rosselli and "fascist dissidents" of GL (so the members were defined in GL): "Rosselli is a reactionary ideology that no What links the working class ", [...], an amateur worthless without any serious theoretical," [...], a "rich alloy objectively and personally ball capitalist leaders, [...], an "intellectual dilettante, a middle-class presumption that scientific discipline to replace the game room of the general ideas chewed empty", and wrote on the "liberal socialism": "you connects directly to the fascist political literature ",[...], Rosselli "not only attempts to review, but want to liquidate Marxism", [...], "but what is this if not a criticism of Marxism fascist criticism? From what they've got the moves, the Fascists, the beginning of their violent struggle against the socialist movement, if not a controversy of this kind? ".
(P. Togliatti, the workers' state, in September 1931)
There are many considerations that determine these quotes, so many things to say and I appreciate the difficulties and risks ahead.
However, for "taste" Piero Gobetti you must keep in mind the tradition which recognizes the reality that they lived and the objectives of its cultural and political.
Gobetti feels it is an expression of a "national school of thought of high value and meaning is rooted in Italian history, origin and matrix liberal" is the seven-century liberalism, heretic, this story is old and he consistently acting politically. Gobetti research the characteristics of "national consciousness that works are born in Piedmont, wants "to interpret the philosophical function of Piedmont, so far forgotten" to "the creation of the new Italian ideal reality": this is his goal, his whole action is alive to Italy and not nationalism, but because the model cultural research in Italy and its history. According
Gobetti, Vittorio Alfieri is the history of Italy as JJ Rousseau is a French one, but "the static conception of Rousseau and his inability to understand the social structure is overcome by a vision in our transcendental freedom that leads and tyranny in a pragmatic and dynamic voluntary principle. " Gobel French back in 1789, on a conceptual level, in spirit and in substance, the libertarianism of Alfieri Alfieri and justifies the position contrary to the French Revolution with the fact that "it for its strength, has come to impose an Italy dominated and unable to anticipate the development of global solutions External. [...] "If the Napoleonic conquest of Italy had a pulse value in aspiration to unity, it did not increase the time of the solution that the misunderstanding and the Italian Risorgimento, even in small proportions, it was only a reaction to the sensationalism and the Encyclopedia reaffirmed that a specific tradition and a national originality. " [...] The French Revolution "in spite of the enthusiasm of our enlightened tyranny soon became transported to Italy. "[...]" the French invasion - that instinct for men of the State was not among the Piedmont's enthusiasm that he had raised in other regions of the North - a disturbing and interrupting the process has just begun, prevented the ' organize an aristocracy which has a general adherence to the ideals Alfieri managed to positive action policy. "[...]" the controversial history of the unification of Italy shows that there can be no perfect consistency out of the traditions. " [...] "The last aspect of Italian life reproduce the problem of an exegesis of the Risorgimento revealing the illusions and fundamental misunderstanding of our history: a desperate attempt to become modern vanity with prejudice letters no Machiavellian cunning, or partisans of tribune with emphasis. "[...]" only a preparation of provincial customs and forms not a libertarian movement that can come alive in people's initiatives and economic responsibility by abandoning sterile ideologies of discipline, order, gerarchia.Il Italian problem is not authority, but of autonomy: the absence of a free life through the centuries was the basic obstacle to the creation of a ruling class, to the formation of modern economic activity and an advanced technique class (skilled labor, entrepreneur, investors) that would be the terms and conditions of a political battle brave, infallible tool for selecting and renewal of the ruling class. "[...]" In Italy the taxpayer has never felt the dignity of sharing in the life of the state: the guarantee of parliamentary control over taxes was not a requirement, but a legal formality: the taxpayer cursing the state pays; not aware of exercise and pay, a real sovereign function. The tax is imposed on him. [...] The Italian Parliament is demagogic, parlamentaristico since its inception because it is born of the rhetoric, inexperience, by mimicry. There is never interrupted in an attempt to make the Italian legislation on the small property a universal fact, to force everybody to this law, the classes have-nots (Early employees) tend to participate in the small property by riding at the expense of the state. The Italian Socialists have adhered to this policy, trying to get to classes proletarian social legislation. Giolitti had the heroic cynicism to present this as a liberal policy of plundering the state. It seemed that the war tended to abolish described the mentality of small petty owners, pimps and anarchists, by using them to participate largely to the efforts of the nation through subscriptions to the loan. But it is also here in the middle-class joy to steal the fat state interest. [...] In Italy the problem of bureaucracy is no longer soluble as to make the Italians we had used them, and we abolished the robbery only transported to Rome. [...] The middle classes lack a conscience and laissez-faire capitalist, and try to defend themselves, not to be overwhelmed them participating in a fee agreement and also customs duties and subsidies that are given through taxes. The worker and the farmer does not use noticing this last link in the chain for which the initial benefit to fall back on them. In the absence of bold initiative they need to delegate to their own detriment, to the State the function of removing the danger and the unexpected. [...] I must prepare for new conditions of economic maturity suitable for the aristocracy (manual workers, agricultural entrepreneur, captains of industry, merchant princes) to replace government employees Colombino, Rossoni's and Farinacci's. Only with the awareness of these ends the rebellion and the invocation of anti-bureaucratic regional initiatives will improve our political conduct. "
In this context," Turin was the modern city of the peninsula, "where" the experience of new production systems in individuals fed a social conscience. "[...]" In Turin, the industrial centralization centralization was creating worker. The selection of spirits production promoted the selection of intelligence.
E 'was born in Turin that the "great movement of works councils and Gobetti if they" love ".
"We knew against the abstractions of social programs, what significance should be attributed to the problem of saving the industry, as part of the production accruing to the entrepreneur. The works council could meet in the thought of his theory, the needs of employees , are not as petty bourgeois, but because they are used, elements of production. It can be concluded that in fact the concrete experiences of political action were completely freed from the illusions of the young Communists in Turin and the commonplaces of socialism and internationalism . They saw value in the labor movement a liberal. If their experiment failed, however, remains one of the most noble efforts that be tempted to renew our political life. "
E 'Gobetti reasonable to think that would have the same" love "if that push a" revolutionary "had emerged elsewhere, but the reality, history and the Italian bourgeoisie were and still are, those and not others. It is no coincidence that Gobetti, when "analyzes the phenomenon of communism", it certainly looks the Communist Party of Italy. but the workers who had led the occupation of the factories he was neither close nor solidarity with the policy of the Communist Party. In a letter in April 1921 in G. Papini, he writes: "I do the theater critic and literary New Order, though it is far from being a communist, to keep in touch with the movement worker here in Turin is morally better than elsewhere, although in the past month has gone much worse, which worries me very much ".
So, what some call" love Gobetti for communism, and explains consistent with the nature of its deeply secular liberalism and its dominant ethical conception of politics.
Readings, to name a few, Colletti, Rico, Galli della Loggia and Flores d'Arcais (ehm!) provide us with the thought Piero Gobetti are, to put it mildly, inaccurate, but it would be more rightly called "acrobatic" and their functional particulare Etnos kulturale. Emblematic, in this perspective, the essay Paolo Flores d'Arcais Einaudi, 1995 edition of "liberal revolution" pure comedy in its conclusions (RL = clean hands), it carefully even after smoking a little marijuana. The limit of these "readings" from a scientific point of view, is then formed from ignoring the complexity of the thought of Gobetti and not make the necessary historicizing.
Gobetti's liberalism, as he defines it, is "revolutionary," based on the fight, "affirmation of freedom that comes from the dialectical method."
said, it is absolutely true that the October Revolution, as well as interested intellectuals from different fields, also attracted Piero Gobetti, and his "attraction" as well as cultural policy was always aimed at the understanding of a people, the Russian, who became the protagonist of world politics. However, this attention to the "people" is not random and has profound significance not only historical, but "ideological".
Gobetti's thesis, in fact, is that according to which the Russian Revolution had nothing to do with the ideology of Marx and was, instead, demonstrated the contrary. Gobetti writes: "the means by which they want to implement this concept are essentially political and that the reverse dependence of Marxist political economy, and denying the law violence of the evolutionary spirit of Marxism constitute a degeneration ultimately even more costly. "The October Revolution is not, therefore," a result of a mechanical economic situation ", but note the historical-political motivated and driven by the need primary freedoms: liberal, then, without any ideological connotation, like every revolution. The Russian Revolution is, Gobetti, a paradox given by the emergence of liberal freedom yearns for the Russian people. Trotzski and Lenin are the intellectuals with Their work, described by Gobel as "the negation of socialism and an affirmation and exaltation of liberalism," wake up consciences, are "men of action that aroused a people and are recreating a soul. "Nevertheless, according to Gobeil, the formula Trotzski" Power to the Soviets "was accepted" only because it meant essentially at this early stage the allocation of land to the peasants, that is the opposite Content revolutionary socialism. "And again: Gobetti affirms the importance of the Soviet" character of organization that from the bottom [...] able to offer a form of coexistence and cooperation of all elements of production, [ ...], the only remedy against the trust industry and labor unions against the rapacious bureaucratic institutions. "However, they are only a transitional form of the structuring of political power and only" dialectical course of political institutions from below originerà the real ": they" must necessarily give way to other institutions better suited to the expression of popular will. "
According Piero Gobetti, therefore, the paradox of the Russian Revolution is that it proclaimed socialist and liberal because it is determined by a reawakened yearning for freedom and certainly not from the Marxist theory, whose premises were not available in Russia of the Tsar. Gobetti is fully aware of the paradoxical nature of the October Revolution and therefore evaluated as a logical absurdity and want to import the historical experience in Italy. He writes: "We make the lower classes are Go gaining power for many years, according to their strength and their actual value, the revolution takes place gradually within [...] legal forms. The liberal state is neither bourgeois nor proletarian state rule. "[...]" As we see throughout history [...] the impotent futility of an Italian scimmiottatura which would only, the present state of things, that eliminating a terms of concrete historical life [...] to establish the sign over the truth of stasis: theocracy or socialism. "[...]" Internationalism is united as collectivism: Lenin is the greatest statesmen this time, but a revolution that would inspire him to pay more dismal failure. "
and 'other' revolution of which Italy needs: it, for Gobetti, can only be" justified in its history, the reason justifying the liberal and democratic as a factor for people to overcome the TARE process of the Risorgimento, the political struggle to create a real and true ruling class. "
For Gobetti" the revolution is the end time of a spiritual process, the awakening of a nation that finds itself acquires maturity, results in a break with its past and build a new history. "
November 1, 2006
